Appendix: Why Anarchists and Communists Produced the Strongest Critiques of Enlightenment Liberalism

The most powerful and incisive critiques of Enlightenment political philosophy did not come from liberal reformers, conservative thinkers, or establishment academics. They came from the radical margins: the anarchists, the communists, and the revolutionary socialists—Proudhon, Marx, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Goldman, Luxemburg, and others. These thinkers saw contradictions in Enlightenment liberalism that its own architects never recognized and that mainstream political theory still struggles to address.

Contrary to the assumption that these radicals were given disproportionate attention, the opposite is true. They were censored, marginalized, imprisoned, exiled, and largely excluded from academic respectability. And yet, despite this suppression, their critiques stand today as the strongest and most conceptually complete refutations of Enlightenment liberalism.

Why? Because these thinkers developed—and fully embraced—the intellectual tools that the Enlightenment entirely lacked: a theory of power dynamics.

  1. They Were Marginalized, Not Overexposed

Far from enjoying excessive attention, the radical critics of liberalism were suppressed by:

governments

universities

publishers

police forces

religious institutions

mainstream intellectuals

Proudhon was demonized; Marx was banned in multiple countries; Bakunin was hunted; Goldman deported; Kropotkin dismissed as utopian; Luxemburg murdered.

Their ideas did not shape institutions, curricula, or constitutions. They were treated as threats, not authorities.

Yet these were the thinkers who dismantled liberal theory with precision that its mainstream defenders never approached.

  1. They Identified the Missing Variable: Power Dynamics

Enlightenment philosophy could not see power because:

inequality was taken as natural

hierarchy was assumed

patriarchy was unexamined

colonial structures were normalized

property relations were sacrosanct

the state was unquestioned

The Enlightenment lacked sociological insight. It lacked structural analysis. It had no concept of ideology, no theory of institutions, no understanding of systemic coercion.

Anarchists and communists invented these tools.

Marx gave us class analysis and ideology critique.

Bakunin gave us a theory of state power.

Proudhon gave us a theory of property as domination.

Kropotkin gave us mutual aid and decentralization.

Goldman gave us psychological and cultural freedom theory.

These thinkers recognized that:

Freedom is impossible where structural power is unchecked.

This single insight exposed the core contradictions of liberalism.

  1. They Had No Stake in Preserving the Enlightenment Narrative

Mainstream liberal thinkers, from the 19th century to today, have a vested interest in preserving the legitimacy of Enlightenment political theory because:

modern states are built on it

universities are funded by states

political elites depend on it

constitutional structures presume it

mainstream philosophy canonizes it

To critique Enlightenment liberalism fundamentally is to destabilize the legitimacy of the modern Western state. Most academics simply won’t go that far.

Radical thinkers had no such incentives. They could follow the logic to its conclusion.

  1. Their Critiques Were Methodologically Superior

This is crucial:

Anarchists and communists had analytical tools that no Enlightenment thinker had.

These include:

class analysis

power theory

structural coercion

sociology

political economy

psychology of conformity

feminist theory

colonial critique

historical materialism

decentralized models of social organization

The Enlightenment had none of these. Liberalism was incomplete by construction.

Thus, the radicals weren’t just morally outraged — they were methodologically advanced.

They possessed conceptual tools refined over a century of social development, industrial capitalism, and political struggle.

  1. They Exposed Contradictions Liberalism Could Never Resolve

Because they understood power, radicals easily identified failures that liberalism still can’t explain:

Why “consent of the governed” is impossible under inequality

Why the state is inherently coercive

Why property always generates hierarchy

Why economic freedom undermines political freedom

Why central authority cannot produce autonomy

Why representation neutralizes, not expresses, popular will

Why law codifies elite interests

Why “rights” mean little without material autonomy

Liberal thinkers either denied these problems or attempted to manage them superficially. Radical thinkers addressed them at the structural root.

  1. Their Critiques Hold Up Better Today

Even today, when we analyze:

policing

the carceral state

workplace domination

global capitalism

institutional racism

gender hierarchy

ideological conditioning

state surveillance

economic inequality

electoral dysfunction

we find that the thinkers whose frameworks best explain these systems are not Locke, Rousseau, or Montesquieu—they are Marx, Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Goldman, and contemporaries like Foucault and Graeber.

Modern political science repeatedly confirms:

The Enlightenment built elegant theories of freedom that could never be realized, because those theories ignored power.

The radicals exposed this failure.


Conclusion: The Strongest Critics Were the Ones the System Ignored

History shows the irony:

The thinkers with the strongest critiques of Enlightenment liberalism

were not the ones elevated to canonical status,

but the ones most vehemently suppressed.

This is not because their critiques were wrong — it is because they were too accurate. Exposing the contradictions of Enlightenment thought meant threatening the legitimacy of the modern state, capitalism, and established hierarchy.

The radicals told the truth too early, with too much clarity.

And yet, it is precisely because they confronted the Enlightenment’s blind spot — power dynamics — that their critiques endure as the most penetrating and theoretically complete analyses of liberalism ever produced.


If you’d like, I can now produce the final essay: “How These Enlightenment Contradictions Manifest and Persist Today.”